Palestine and Picasso: The Evolution of “Guernica” as a Symbol for Peace

As an iconic anti-war symbol, “Guernica” evolves once more amid the Israel-Palestinian conflict

Guernica on display at the Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

First exhibited at the 1937 Exposition Universelle, Pablo Picasso’s “Guernica” is a mural with deeply rooted political history that extends beyond the reasoning for its inception. Commissioned by the Spanish Republican government as a work of propaganda against fascism, “Guernica” was inspired by the bombing of civilians Guernica, Spain by forces allied to Hitler. Since then, the piece has become the emblem for various anti war movements, and most recently has been adopted by those in support of Palestine.

After being exhibited at the fair in 1937, in 1939 “Guernica” made its way across various U.S. cities, and eventually was housed in the Museum of Modern Art in Manhattan for 41 years until it returned to Spain in 1981. The mural was a formidable inspiration for many American artists, such as Jackson Pollock.

Moreover, the Art Workers Coalition, a group of artists, museum staff, critics and writers, adopted “Guernica” as part of their movement against American involvement in the Vietnam War. Throughout the 60s and 70s, the group created posters featuring the mural to use alongside various slogans like, “Stop the war in Vietnam now!”

In the decades since the Vietnam War, “Guernica” has been at the root of various different protests, and was even on one occasion vandalized with the words, “kill lies all.” Most recently, the piece has been integrated into the movement for solidarity with Gaza.

This past December, a protest held at the Pasialeku Market Place in Guernica was organized by the Guernica-Palestine Citizens’ Initiative. Thousands assembled at the market and when aerially viewed, created a mosaic of the Palestinian Flag and a section of “Guernica.” The location of the protest was intentional, designed to draw similarities between the current conflict in Palestine and the civilian bombing in 1937 that served as the initial catalyst for the piece.

Though not directly related to the painting, Guernica is also a non profit literary magazine dedicated to art and global politics. The magazine features a plethora of Palestinian writers, as well as pieces on addressing the nuances of this conflict. 

Recently, however, the outlet is facing backlash for releasing an article by Joanna Chen in its March issue, entitled “From the Edges of a Broken World.” The article’s publication resulted in mass resignation of the magazine’s editors. In particular, people had issues with the following: “A neighbor told me she was trying to calm her children, who were frightened by the sound of warplanes flying over the house day and night. ‘I tell them these are good booms.’ She grimaced, and I understood the subtext, that the Israeli army was bombing Gaza,” which could be interpreted as approving of the bombardment.

Some regarded the piece as “white colonialism masquerading as goodness,” in reflection of Chen’s British origins. However, in light of the controversy, many readers seeking out the essay found no problems with its content. April Zhu, a senior editor, wrote that she believed the article did not align with an “earnest, urgent, and risky resistance to U.S. imperialism and all others,” which she felt Guernica, the magazine, embodied and was founded on.

Although Guernica’s editor-in-chief, Jina Moore, resigned on April 5 amid the backlash, she maintains that the article aligns with what the publication is known for. In her statement of resignation, she said, “I saw the piece as an example of the difficult work that Guernica is known for: capturing, with complexity and nuance, how such violence is normalized, and how a violent state extracts complicity from its citizens.” Ultimately, her decision to resign reflects her support for the article, despite the magazine maintaining its decision to retract the piece. Aligned with the history of the painting, Guernica as a magazine shows that voices can diverge, even with the goal of peace at their roots.


Nicola DeGregorio

Nicola is studying English Literature at George Washington University, where she also reports for the student newspaper, The Hatchet. Nicola's passion for literature and writing has sparked an interest in exploring the broader context surrounding written texts. Researching and writing for Catalyst Planet allows her to investigate nuanced issues that intersect with her interests in art history, culinary practices, and cultural traditions.

Noon Against Putin: Russian Citizens Continue Navalny’s Mission

In Russia, protests in opposition to Putin’s rule continue despite the death of Alexei Navalny.

The late Alexei Navalny. Mitya Aleshkovskiy. CC BY-SA 4.0

On February 16, 2024, Alexei Navalny, outspoken critic of Vladimir Putin and major activist in Russian domestic politics, died in a Russian prison. On March 17, 2024, believers in Navalny’s vision took the next step in opposition to the president.

Despite his death, Navalny’s anti-Putin rhetoric continues to echo through the streets of Moscow. On the final day of the 2024 Russian presidential election, groups of silent protestors gathered at polling places across the country at exactly twelve o'clock noon in a demonstration dubbed “Noon Against Putin.” The plan had been endorsed by Navalny prior to his death, and the call was taken up afterwards by his widow, Yulia Navalnaya, via a video on YouTube in the days before the election.

The demonstrators voiced their disapproval of the unfair elections by either writing in Navalny’s name on their ballots, invalidating their vote, or simply leaving without voting at all. Around the world, Russian citizens also formed silent queues at embassies in Berlin and London, standing in solidarity with the demonstrators in Siberia and Moscow. Many also took to social media to decry what they called an unfair and rigged election, denying the Kremlin’s repeated claims that their president is always democratically chosen.

Protestors outside of a polling place in Moscow. Konopeg, CC0

Navalny was one of the few Russian citizens willing to outright oppose Vladimir Putin’s rule. He was arrested several times for leading protests against corruption in the Kremlin and eventually joined a centrist political party to work towards fair and just elections, among other humanitarian improvements in the daily lives of the Russian people. Navalny’s death in a Russian prison in the Arctic sparked outcry worldwide, with many world leaders accusing Putin of direct involvement.

A procession outside the Russian Embassy in Berlin. A.Savin, Free Art License

“Noon Against Putin” was carried out with the knowledge that some arrests were inevitable. The demonstration ended with at least 60 citizens imprisoned and 15 criminal charges filed. Not only did the people gathering at the ballot boxes understand that their demonstration would not change the election, but they also came in spite of the laundry list of potential punishments from the authorities. The threats of imprisonment, and possibly death in captivity, hang over the heads of any Russian citizen who speaks out against the Kremlin. But the community that Navalny has built seems unafraid of these consequences. Even though Putin was still reelected, this brief and solemn display of unity among the Russian people shows that even without their vocal leader, the anti-Putin masses are still here, and are still willing to show their disapproval.

The Kremlin, and thus Vladimir Putin, still holds complete control over Russia and its government, but the forward momentum that these protestors represent, no matter how small it may appear now, suggests a potential shift in the balance of power. In the past, Russian citizens have had little choice but to put their heads down and keep moving forward. Today, Navalny’s memory has spurred those same citizens to take action towards a vision of change.


Ryan Livingston

Ryan is a senior at The College of New Jersey, majoring in English and minoring in marketing. Since a young age, Ryan has been passionate about human rights and environmental action and uses his writing to educate wherever he can. He hopes to pursue a career in professional writing and spread his message even further.

The Rules of War in the Israel-Hamas Conflict

Human rights organizations report on dire humanitarian conditions in Israel and Palestine, alleging violations of international law.

London Demonstration for Palestine. Alisdare Hickson. CC BY-SA 2.0 DEED

Since the escalation of violence in the conflict between Israeli forces and Palestinian armed factions, alleged violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) have surfaced. Both sides have faced criticism regarding allegations that may constitute a breach of IHL.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) describes IHL law designed to safeguard civilians and prohibit indiscriminate attacks against them. This provision is binding on all armed groups involved in a conflict, regardless of reciprocal actions. The OCHA, with this law in mind, has drawn up potential allegations against Israeli and Palestinian combatants, which take aim at Israeli military tactics and use of prohibited weapons as well as Palestinian armed groups’ conduct.

With the intensification of the violence and the number of Palestinians who have been displaced, there has been rising criticism regarding the weaponry and tactics that Israel has employed against Palestine. More serious allegations include the use of white phosphorus in well-populated areas of Gaza, which has harmful effects on human tissue. This, among other tactics such as blockades and airstrikes, have resulted in high civilian casualties, raising questions with regard to the potential for indiscriminate suffering and collective punishment.

Palestinian actors have also breached rules of IHL. Human Rights Watch reports that armed groups, such as Hamas, have used indiscriminate rocket firing into Israeli territories, giving reason to accuse those involved of targeting Israeli civilians specifically, warranting a war crime.

Apart from OCHA, other human rights organizations have also begun to contend the violence as war crime and collective punishment. Amnesty International, an organization focused on human rights, has found Israel’s system of governing Palestinians in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories to be oppressive and discriminatory. Citing the forced eviction of thousands of Palestinians, use of arbitrary detention by Israeli authorities and torture or ill-treatment of civilians, Amnesty has expressed the belief that Israel’s actions constitute a system of aparthied under international law. 

The International Federation For Human Rights (FIDH) has additionally expressed concern over the targeting of civilians and human rights violations in Israel and the occupied territories. From the gathered evidence of human rights abuses, FIDH has acknowledged a tightened system of apartheid by Israel, involving the displacement of Palestinians in the West Bank, denial of freedom of movement and incidents of torture, all amounting to crimes against humanity. As of November 2023, Israel held close to 7,000 Palestinians that, with restrictions on water and overcrowded conditions, subjected detainees to what is now being considered ill-treatment and collective punishment. Tal Steiner, executive director of the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel, commented on the treatment of Palestinian detainees, saying that “Punitive detention conditions, arbitrary violence and humiliation of detainees and the intentional infliction of torture, should all be absolutely prohibited and unacceptable.”

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has become involved with the conflict as a potential route for prosecuting those accused of war crime and human rights abuses. Israel has argued that the ICC does not have jurisdiction because of its views regarding Palestine’s statehood, however, the mandate by ICC has gathered international support as viable protection against war crimes. The collection of evidence gathered by human rights organizations has aided in the investigation by the ICC, and the pursuit of accountability in this current situation has been viewed as one of the most crucial steps in ending the violence.

Both the Israeli and Palestinian governments and terrorist organizations like Hamas are responsible for upholding human rights, regardless of the applicability of international law in the case of the conflict between the two. Those infractions adjudicated as war crimes may be subject to legal repercussions, but as the international community awaits further development, accountability as an avenue for resolution remains integral.


Mira White

Mira is a student at Brown University studying international and public affairs. Passionate about travel and language learning, she is eager to visit each continent to better understand the world and the people across it. In her free time she perfects her French, hoping to someday live in France working as a freelance journalist or in international affairs.

The War on Journalists in the Israel-Hamas War

The Israel-Hamas War is the deadliest conflict for journalists in 30 years, at least 83 journalists have been confirmed dead.

Al Jazeera’s Gaza crew and journalists. Global Panorama. CC BY-SA 2.0 DEED

Since the start of the Israel-Hamas war on October 7, there has been an unprecedented amount of journalist death and injury. Facing high risks to cover the unfolding conflict without guaranteed safety, this war has claimed more journalists than any other in the last 30 years.

As of January 24, at least 83 journalists and media workers have been confirmed dead. Among them, 76 were Palestinian, four Israeli and three Lebanese, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). Similarly, the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) reported an estimated 94 journalists that have been killed and 400 others imprisoned. IFJ has called on the International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutors to investigate the deaths of these journalists, though Israel has argued that the ICC has no jurisdiction in the conflict because the Palestinian territories are not an independent sovereign state.

The Israel-Gaza war has become the most deadly conflict for members of the press. In 2022, 15 journalists were killed in Ukraine, 30 in Latin America and at least five in Haiti, making the amount of journalists killed in Gaza in just a few months of war greater than all of those killed worldwide in 2022. Because of such an increase, some believe that journalists are being explicitly targeted for the information that they aim to provide to the public.

On November 21, correspondent Farah Omar and cameraman Rabih al-Maamari were killed in Lebanon by two missiles fired by an Israeli warplane. The Al-Mayadeen TV channel that the broadcasters worked for announced that they were covering back and forth fire on the Tayr Harfa/Al-Jebin triangle in Southern Lebanon between Israeli forces and Hezbollah when they were hit. In a statement, the TV channel said that it believes its journalists were deliberately targeted for its — the channel’s — pro-Palestinian views. In a separate statement, Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati alleged that the Israeli strike was an attempt to silence the media.

Consequently, the CPJ has accused the Israeli military of targeting journalists in Gaza. One instance includes Al Jazeera camera operator Samir Abudaqa, who was injured during a drone strike and forced to take shelter in a UN school. Those who tried to help Abudaqa to get him to safety were shot and Abudaqa died due to his injuries. 

Other journalists have reported similar instances, but where their families have been targeted. Anas Al-Sharif, Al Jazeera journalist, told the news channel of phone calls that he had received from the Israeli army instructing him to cease his news coverage and leave Gaza. Following these threats, Al-Sharif’s father was killed by an Israeli airstrike on his home. Such death and violence resulted in a report last May by the CPJ that documented a “deadly pattern” of journalists deaths by Israeli forces; a pattern of killing journalists that was observed even before the latest conflict in Gaza.

Across global media there has been outrage over a lack of accountability of Israel’s killing of journalists in Gaza. In the United States some journalists have held vigils for fallen colleagues, but there has been an overall lack of public commentary from journalistic institutions themselves. Staff at the Los Angeles Times displayed their solidarity with fellow journalists in Gaza by signing an open letter condemning the killings and criticizing Western media’s lack of coverage of Israel’s actions. The paper subsequently suspended these staff members from coverage of the war for what LA Times cited as a violation of its ethics policy. This outcome has caused some journalists to remove their names from the letter, fearing reprisal from their workplaces, and left others questioning the Biden administration's support of press freedom and Israeli accountability.

Journalists have additionally reported feeling less safe wearing a press vest and that being identified as a member of the fourth estate could make them or their families targets for Israeli forces. 

These patterns of violence have left journalists in a precarious situation that has broader global implications. Without being able to report what is going on in Gaza, the role of these journalists only becomes more vital. Millions of people have relied on the accurate information provided by journalists to understand this conflict, and without them are left only with misinformation that may instead fuel it further.


Mira White

Mira is a student at Brown University studying international and public affairs. Passionate about travel and language learning, she is eager to visit each continent to better understand the world and the people across it. In her free time she perfects her French, hoping to someday live in France working as a freelance journalist or in international affairs.

What India’s Successful Moon Landing Means for Space Exploration

India is now the fourth country to land on the moon, and its lunar rover is making some big waves in space exploration.

The Chandrayaan-3 lunar exploration craft was launched from the south of India on July 14. Sky News. CC BY-SA-NC 2.0

On August 23, the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) landed its Chandrayaan-3 craft near the moon’s south pole, marking both the country’s first ever moon landing and the world’s first on that specific lunar region. Not only has this achievement finally placed India among the ranks of other space exploring nations, but has also made it one of only four countries to land a craft on the moon. The location of the craft’s landing near the unexplored south pole is significant given the multiple failed attempts by other nations to do just that in the past and stake a claim to lead future research in the area. Chandrayaan-3’s successful landing will hopefully cement the credibility of the ISRO on the international playing field and allow for continued collaboration with other foreign space agencies. During its two-week lifespan, the rover investigated the existence of frozen water deposits beneath the surface of the moon, and has made a number of surprising discoveries that orbiting crafts were unable to.

A digital rendering of the Chandrayaan-3 craft and its lunar rover. NDTV. CC BY-NC 2.0

While India’s space program was first established in 1962, it took another decade or two for the ISRO to really pick up steam. Many of the first projects involved sending satellites up into Earth’s orbit in order to map and survey the country from above, bringing telemedical and communication services to communities in remote regions. Chandrayaan, a Sanskrit term meaning “mooncraft,” is the name of India’s lunar exploration program, which made its debut between 2008 and 2009 with the Chandrayaan-1 lunar space probe, which found water deposits on the moon using various mapping techniques and reflection radiation. The next craft, launched in 2019, was comprised of an orbiter, moon lander and rover, and was actually intended to be the first to land on the south pole of the moon, but after successfully entering lunar orbit, the ISRO lost communication with the landing craft and rover before touchdown. 

Chandrayaan-3 is therefore the culmination of more than a decade of scientific research and technological development and is undoubtedly the crown jewel in India’s space program. The probe was launched on July 14 from Sriharikota Range, the country’s largest launch site located in the southern state of Andhra Pradesh, and successfully touched down on the moon on August 23. Unlike its recent predecessor, the Chandrayaan-3 traveled without an orbiter module, further cementing its intention to land on the moon and conduct experiments in situ. Additionally, while this craft was unambiguously an Indian project and creation, some of the technology on board resulted from various collaborations between the ISRO, NASA and the European Space Agency (ESA), proving once again the importance and benefits of scientific collaboration.

Students in India watch a video explaining the lunar mission. Al Jazeera. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Aside from proving that landing on the south pole of the moon is indeed possible, the information sent back by the Chandrayaan-3 rover has already resulted in some groundbreaking discoveries about the moon. One such finding has to do with understanding the temperature of lunar soil, an important factor when considering building long-lasting structures or even settlements on the moon. The Indian rover is equipped with a temperature probe that can reach nearly four inches (10 cm) beneath the surface, and found that the temperature drops 140ºF (60ºC) at a depth of just roughly 3.14 inches (8 cm). This has provided an updated and more accurate reading as compared to the data currently in use from NASA’s 2009 Lunar Reconnaissance mission, which lacked precision because it was an orbiter and therefore not actually on the lunar surface. Another interesting discovery took place in the form of a series of strange vibrations detected by the rover’s seismograph: scientists have suspected it as being a minor moonquake, although further exploration and longer-term observations would need to confirm this.

While these scientific discoveries are of course extremely significant and promising for the future of lunar exploration and research, the Chandrayaan-3 project also set a historic precedent in terms of the budget they used to complete this mission. The ISRO has a long held reputation amongst international space research circles for their ability to work on limited funds, at least compared to other major space exploration agencies. NASA, for example, has a $25.4 billion budget for the current fiscal year, while the ISRO received a measly $1.5 billion from the Indian government for the fiscal year ending this March by comparison. If that wasn’t enough, the ISRO actually spent 25% less than what it had been allocated. The Chandrayaan-3 mission cost a total of $74.3 million USD, ironically less than half of the budget that director Christopher Nolan had to make Interstellar, his award winning film about space travel.

The actual Chandrayaan-3 craft before it was launched into space. The Week. CC BY-SA 2.0

In addition to finally taking its place amongst the other lunar landing nations, Chandrayaan-3 has opened countless doors for both the ISRO and the space exploration community as a whole. Going forward, the example that this mission has set with regards to the resources it used as well as through the international collaboration it benefitted from. The moon’s south pole has now been unequivocally proven accessible and investigable, new information about lunar composition has been brought to light, and like all other missions into space, has helped to deepen our understanding of both the universe and ourselves.


Tanaya Vohra

Tanaya is an undergraduate student pursuing a major in Public Health at the University of Chicago. She's lived in Asia, Europe and North America and wants to share her love of travel and exploring new cultures through her writing.

Soldiers Speak: War Crimes in Myanmar

Recent atrocities and war crimes have been reported by military soldiers in Myanmar as the civil war rages on. 

Human rights protest for Burma in France. Totaloutnow. BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Myanmar has a dirty, bloody history attached to the political and military conflicts that have furiously swept through their country. The civil war that rages on adds to this history, and the war crimes and atrocities that are currently occuring illuminate the fragility and deep rooted struggles between the Burmese government and its citizens.

The civil war started in February of 2021 after Myanmar’s military powers – known as the Tatmadwa – seized the government from the elected officials of the National League for Democracy (NDL), the leading civilian party in Myanmar. The NDL had won the election in 2021 by 83%, the New York Times reports, but the military ignored these results, an action said to be linked to the government's dislike for Aung San Suu Kyi. She was the leader of the NDL who would have become the elected official of the Burmese government. 

The military coup that overthrew the government in 2021 was the event that turned the tide of the political state of the country, and now battles between military soldiers in the Tatmadaw and pro-democracy armed civil militias have erupted and raged now for almost two years. 

The military powers in charge currently – referred to as the junta: a “group of military leaders” as BBC explains – are led by General Ming Aung Hlaing. He was given power from military leaders after the coup in 2021. General Ming is responsible for the imprisonment of countless NDL members, as well as multiple ‘campaigns against ethnic minority groups’ including the Rohingya Muslim Genocide that has been taking place in Myanmar for years.

Rohingya refugees. Austcare-World Humanitarian Aid. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

As the war continues to rage on, Tatmadaw soldiers have started to come forward with stories of the atrocious war crimes that they were ordered to commit onto the civilians of Myanmar. BBC has reported that soldiers have admitted to “killing, torturing and raping civilians”. Large scale human rights violations have continued to occur as well, including the imprisonment of protesters, the treatment and killing of political prisoners and the treatment of civilians during wartime conflicts has sparked dialogue from the United Nations (UN). The UN reports that military powers have “directly targeted civilians” with airstrikes and attacks, and have already killed “at least 1,600 people”.

Six anonymous soldiers agreed to an interview with BBC, where they told the story of crimes against humanity, one of the few crimes that can be prosecuted at the Internationcal Criminal Court, being committed at the hands of the unstable Tatmadaw military regime. One reported that they had been told to “shoot anything they saw; another was ordered to burn down a house with civilians locked inside it. Other soldiers admitted to witnessing women being raped at gun point after soldiers believed the victims to be supporters of the People’s Defence Force (PDF) – an armed civilian militia organization. These six soldiers also discussed the energy of other members of the regime, stating that some soldiers would ‘boast’ about their crimes and actions.

Villages have burned to the ground, civilians have been abused, killed and looted. This is the current fate of the Burmese people, but the civilian militias continue to fight back and continue to push for democracy. In a country so often torn between citizens and the military state, the fate of the people of Myanmar has remained undecided. The UN states in their report that “despite spiraling violence… ‘the will of the people has clearly not been broken.’” Determined to return to a time of democratic rule, the civilian population of Myanmar continues to fight against the horrors of the military regime wishing to dominate them.

TO GET INVOLVED

The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw is, as Insider states, “the country’s democratically elected legislature,” the very same that was overthrown in the coup in 2021. They have a GoFundMe, which is run by the Citizen of Burma Award Organization, that uses the money to support pro-democracy protests and encourages civil disobedience against the junta military regime. To donate to the protestors, click here .

The Civil Disobedience Movement also collects donations which are sent directly to people in Myanmar to fund and support civil disobedience and protests against the government. To donate, click here.

Additional ways to GET INVOLVED can be found in Insider’s “5 Ways to Help Anti-Coup Protests on the Ground in Myanmar Right Now”. This article discusses multiple ways to donate, to educate oneself and to create constructive and far reaching conversations about the injustices befalling the Burmese people. To read more, click here.


Ava Mamary

Ava is an undergraduate student at the University of Illinois, double majoring in English and Communications. At school, she Web Writes about music for a student-run radio station. She is also an avid backpacker, which is where her passion for travel and the outdoors comes from. She is very passionate about social justice issues, specifically those involving women’s rights, and is excited to write content about social action across the globe. 

Mass Detention of Civilians In Ethiopia

The Ethiopian government declared a state of emergency, resulting in the detention of civilians on suspicion of cooperating with rebel terrorists.

Addis Ababa, capital of Ethiopia. DFID - UK Department for International Development  CC BY 2.0

Ethiopia has been in the throes of a civil war. The federal government, headed by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, has been fighting against Tigrayan rebels in the northwest region of the country. Recently, it appears Tigray fighters are at an advantage as they push south towards the nation’s capital. In response, the government declared a state of emergency Nov. 2 and began to roundup civilians of Tigrayian descent. Civilians with no connection to the rebels are being detained, forced from their homes, plucked off the street or at work. The United Nations stated that more than 1,000 people have been detained since the government declared the state of emergency. Additionally, they reported that 70 drivers contracted by the United Nations and agencies to deliver aid to the country have been detained by officials as well. Along with the detained drivers, 16 employees of the United Nations were detained following the state of emergency. These employees were present because the Tigray region is in desperate need of aid after airstrikes fell on the region in mid-October. The dire situation in Tigray has been labeled an ongoing humanitarian crisis. 

The civil war broke out after tensions between the Tigray’s People Liberation Front political party and the federal government came to a point. The party previously held control of the Ethiopian government for decades, until Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took office in 2018. In 2020, the T.P.L.F attacked a military base in the Tigray region, prompting the Prime Minister to order a military offensive in response. In June, the Ethiopian military was forced to withdraw from the Tigray region, marking a major defeat and subsequent turning point of the conflict. 

In July 2021, the United Nations requested access to the region because an estimated 400,000 people were experiencing famine, with another 1.8 million at risk. Additionally, 1.7 million people have been internally displaced while thousands of others have fled the country.

The state of emergency declared on Nov. 2 allows officials to search anyone’s home and arrest without a warrant solely based on suspicion of association with rebel groups. The recent arrests have included other ethnicities, but the majority of detentions have been people of Tigrayan descent. Along with the large-scale detentions, public figures allied with the government have taken to social media inciting hate speech against ethnic Tigrayans. The head of the Ethiopian government communication office stated that the detentions were not ethnically motivated, but the United Nations High Commissioner of Human Rights expressed concern at the broad terms of the recent state of emergency.


Dana Flynn

Dana is a recent graduate from Tufts University with a degree in English. While at Tufts she enjoyed working on a campus literary magazine and reading as much as possible. Originally from the Pacific Northwest, she loves to explore and learn new things.

Rising Tides of Trouble: Piracy Amidst a Pandemic

As the pandemic threatens lives globally, it has allowed for unseen tragedies to take hold: Naval vessels are increasingly vulnerable to piracy.

Royal Marines on Counter Piracy Operations Near Somalia. Defense Images. CC BY-SA 2.0.

Many adverse effects result from the pandemic lasting for nearly two years, including one that landlubbers are likely unaware of. For over a year, COVID-19 has exacerbated a problem that has permeated the seas for centuries: piracy.

In the first six months of 2020, fifty armed attacks at sea were recorded throughout Asia, twice as many than the year prior. Though the attacks spanned from the South China Sea to Bangladeshi coasts, Maritime Southeast Asia is the true threat for commercial naval traffic as most Asian naval attacks are concentrated within the Malacca and Singapore Straits. The region’s island geography is responsible for such prevalence of piracy, featuring dense clusters of three archipelagos whose waters are treacherous and often unsupervised.

Beginning in April 2021, naval hijackings in Central America increased significantly. Mexico’s opening of its oil industry to international investments is suspected to be the cause. As Central American pirates target shipping containers and oil platforms within the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean. In addition, transnational criminal networks are lured by prospects of lucrative loot, such as technical equipment sold on the black market and inadequate security in Latin American countries.

Maritime security experts are most concerned about the naval violence surging off of West Africa coastlines. Whereas Asia experiences the highest frequency of piracy, West African waters, specifically within the Gulf of Guinea, suffer from the most severe crimes spanning from armed robbery to crew kidnappings. It’s also challenging to quantify the scale of piracy. Shipping companies may resist reporting pirate-related incidents to insurers. Up to 60% of all naval attacks on merchant vessels, fishing boats or passenger vessels occurring within the Gulf of guinea are unaccounted for. Many incidents of West African piracy take place as far as 100 nautical miles from coastlines, in areas unprotected by coast guards or naval forces.

Worsening Factors

The pandemic’s devastating effect on the global economy has increased poverty and unemployment, incentivizing individuals towards pursuing criminal activities. A decline in international trade has prompted shipping companies to decrease crew sizes and armed guard escorts, normally mitigating naval hijackings. Travel restrictions and border closures forced many vessels to be stranded at sea or port for months, yielding such ships as static quarries for premeditated piracy. Lastly, most nation-states prioritized public safety programs to contain the outbreak of COVID-19 among their land-based populations. Government focus has been redirected from possible threats at sea to definite ones on land. Resources and staffing have been shifted away from the security of bulk carriers, product tankers and container vessels—the types of ships most commonly preyed upon by pirates. Quarantines, fragile port security, and inadequate responses to the virus’s spread have enabled a global rise in piracy. 


Rohan A. Rastogi

Rohan is an engineering graduate from Brown University. He is passionate about both writing and travel, and strives to blend critical thinking with creative communication to better understand the places, problems, and people living throughout the world. Ultimately, he hopes to apply his love for learning and story-sharing skills to resolve challenges affecting justice, equity, and humanity.

Yemen Experiences World's Worst Humanitarian Crisis

Yemen’s ongoing civil war has left 24 million in need of assistance and more than 100,000 dead since the conflict began in late 2014. Today, Yemen is considered the world’s worst humanitarian crisis and is on the brink of being labeled by the United Nations as the world’s worst famine in 100 years. 

A hungry Yemeni child eats a food bag. USAID_IMAGES. CC BY-NC 2.0.

Hunger, malnutrition, famine, displacement and mental health issues are among some of the devastating consequences imposed upon Yemeni civilians by the country’s civil war. Although the conflict between Yemeni President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi’s government and the Houthi, or Ansar Allah, armed movement broke out in late 2014, Yemen was already one of the most vulnerable countries in the Middle East.

Following the Arab Spring in late 2011, previous Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh was forced to turn over his power to his deputy, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi. Since then, the country has been enthralled in a civil war which has left millions of civilians hungry homeless, or dead. Houthi forces took over Sana’a, the capital of Yemen, in late 2014, instigating the war. By early 2015, Houthi officials declared mobilization to overthrow Hadi’s regime and, only a day later, fighting broke out in Lahij Governorate. Lahij Governorate quickly succumbed to Houthi rule and President Hadi fled the nation. 

With the help of the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia created a coalition of mostly Sunni Arab states to combat Houthi forces and the rise of Iranian influence in the Middle East in 2015. Today, much of the conflict in Yemen is a proxy conflict for the power struggle between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the region. 

The Arab coalition conducted countless air campaigns to drive out Houthi forces from Yemen and facilitate the return of Hadi’s government, despite the trail of destruction these air strikes leave behind. Funerals, weddings, homes, mosques, schools and hospitals have all fallen victim to these bombs. In response to an attack on Saudi Arabia’s eastern oil fields—which disrupted nearly five percent of the world’s global oil supply—Saudi Arabia spearheaded a bombing campaign. According to the Yemen Data Project, the conflict and air strikes since 2015 left around 17,000 Yemeni civilians dead or injured, as of March of 2019. 

According to the United Nations, Yemen remains the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. With over 100,000 people killed and 85,000 children dead from famine, the UN warned that millions of Yemenis could face starvation in what could be “the world’s worst famine in 100 years.” Currently, 16.2 million Yemenis are food insecure while famine continues to rise; child malnutrition there is one of the highest in the world, with two million children in need of acute malnutrition assistance; and at least one child dies of malnutrition or diarrhea every 10 minutes in Yemen. 

Displacement is another major consequence of the war in Yemen. With more than five million people estimated to have been forced to flee their homes, four million Yemenis remain displaced today. These displaced families live in camps of makeshift shelters, forcing them to continue moving around and making them vulnerable to severe weather conditions, air strikes and other dangers. In addition to the overwhelming number of displaced and homeless Yemenis, the nation is also home to around 300,000 refugees mostly from the Horn of Africa.

The devastating impacts of Yemen’s ongoing war does not stop at the physical realm—consequences of the violence have affected the mental health of Yemeni youth. According to Columbia Global Centers’ PGIF Project, a 25-year-old living in Yemen today “has already lived through 15 major conflicts and wars,” making depression, PTSD and other mental health disorders common in Yemen’s youth. Considering the lack of infrastructure and medical facilities already in Yemen, mental health concerns are pushed to the backburner. With roughly one psychiatrist per 500,000 people, only three mental health hospitals exist in Yemen. The lack of mental health services and resources has forced individuals who battle with mental health issues to turn to alternate methods of help, such as Quranic healing, while professional help is reserved for more extreme disorders, such as psychosis. 

PTSD is one of the most common products of war, and this is evident with  Yemeni children. Growing up with bombs dropping all around them, PTSD in Yemeni civilians and children is often triggered by loud noises and the sounds of planes whooshing overhead. Behavioral changes such as bedwetting, isolating oneself and emotional detachment are common consequences of PTSD in children. 

Beyond death by air strike or on-the-ground fighting, many Yemenis have lost their lives to hunger and diseases because of restrictions on humanitarian assistance, imports and access to essential services. Because of this, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres refers to Yemen’s crisis as “man-made.” Many third party nations, organizations and institutions have requested the warring countries involved to improve civilian protection, but have experienced little success. Now, many activists have taken to social media to garner support and aid for Yemen’s children, as well as raise awareness of Yemen’s situation—for being the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, Yemen is often underrepresented in the media.

GET INVOLVED

Despite the restrictions on humanitarian aid in Yemen, there are still ways to help. Save the Children is one of the largest organizations operating in Yemen and is currently aiding children suffering from malnutrition, supporting health facilities in hard-to-reach areas and leading educational programs. 

The international organization, World Food Programme, aims to provide 13 million people with food assistance across Yemen. To accomplish this goal and ensure their efforts are uninterrupted in 2021, the WFP is seeking to raise $1.9 billion. 

The Danish Refugee Council offers partnership opportunities to private companies, where partners will have the opportunity to help solve the global displacement crisis. The DNC is a trusted partner of the United Nations, is rated the world’s third best non-governmental organization, and is a Core Humanitarian Standards certified organization.


Mia Khatib

Mia is a rising senior at Boston University majoring in journalism and minoring in international relations. As a Palestinian-American, Mia is passionate about amplifying the voices of marginalized communities and is interested in investigative and data-driven journalism. She hopes to start out as a breaking news reporter and one day earn a position as editor of a major publication.

Evo Morales Returns in Triumph to Bolivia, Ending a Year in Exile

One year after he stepped down amid a contested election, the popular left-wing leader is back. Will he be content with his supporters’ love, or will he seek power as well?

Evo Morales waving the Wiphala, a symbol for South America’s Indigenous people. Brasil de Fato. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

Exiled leaders rarely return so triumphantly. Evo Morales, president of Bolivia for 14 years before fleeing the country in November 2019, greeted a jubilant crowd when he crossed the border from Argentina and trekked to his home province of Chapare. Many expected a more forceful return, perhaps a march to the seat of government in La Paz. Rather, Morales traveled to where he started his political career at the precise moment when that career seems set to either end or begin again. 

If Morales plans to kick-start a new phase in his political career, he reenters in a much better position than when he started. Born to a poor family in the Orinoca region in 1959, his family moved with countless other families from the highland altiplanos to work on lowland coca farms, which provided poor Bolivians the best shot at a livable wage. The young Evo became a union leader, fiercely advocating for the rights of farmers when the United States’ war on drugs demanded the Bolivian government slash its supply of coca, its most profitable crop. In Bolivia, people chew on it or brew tea, but one ton of leaves can be refined into two pounds of cocaine base paste. 

A farmer pruning coca. Erik Cleves Kristensen. CC BY 2.0.

Morales’ experiences there fostered a brand of politics staunchly devoted to the poor and Indigenous communities through the institution of socialism. He joined and soon transformed the Movement for Socialism party (MAS) and became a one-term congressman. After leading violent street altercations that forced two presidents to resign, his ambitions expanded to the national realm. In 2006, the Bolivian people voted him in as president, beginning a 14-year-long tenure which would prove revolutionary.

For one, he was the first Indigenous president since the country’s independence in 1825. In a nation that is 42% Indigenous, this seems strange, but centuries of colonization and racism led to a society of haves and have-nots. An ethnic Aymara, Morales expanded MAS’s appeal to all Indigenous people, chafing many Whites and Mestizos who supported MAS in far fewer numbers. Some Indigenous communities found Morales’ embrace of Indigenous peoples hollow; he allowed drilling in forest reserves and expanded the amount of land settlers could clear. 

Man without a plan. Alain Bachellier. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. 

Most of all, however, he presided over what many view as an economic miracle. Morales’ government reduced by two-thirds the amount of people living on less than $1.90 a day, the World Bank’s definition of extreme poverty. The high price of petroleum, another of Bolivia’s largest exports, allowed his administration to invest heavily in innovation and modernization. The widespread prosperity led many to ignore Morales’ authoritarian streak. He would often jail critics and journalists while piling lawsuits on his political rivals.

But when Morales ran for a fourth term against constitutional term limits, opponents found it unforgivable. A pause in vote-counting led many to believe he planned to rig the election, so thousands stormed the streets to protest the election results. Clashes broke out between pro- and anti-Morales protesters; 36 people died amid the violence. Once the military “recommended” Morales step down, he boarded a plane to Mexico and left Bolivia in the hands of little-known senator Jeanine Anez. 

She was a right-wing politician with exactly the opposite views of Morales. Where he proudly represented Indigenous peoples, Anez called them “savages.” (In his triumphant return, Morales sarcastically quipped, “The Bolivian right and the global right should know: the savages are back in government.”) Anez presided over an economic slump due to political unrest and COVID-19. She governed for 11 months before the electorate put in office Morales’ own protege Luis Arce.

Morales’ protege Luis Arce. Casa de América. CC By-NC-ND 2.0.

A bland, uncharismatic technocrat, Arce won broad appeal precisely because he was Morales’ choice. He engineered the economy during Morales’ presidency, so he can take credit for much of Bolivia’s prosperity. His support from the former president may prove both a blessing and a curse, however. He will struggle to distance himself from a controversial figure who still holds strong sway over MAS. His primary responsibility will be to maintain distance from Morales to the greatest extent possible.

For the time being, however, Morales will enjoy his warm welcome home. Crowds gleefully waved the Wiphala, a colorful checkered flag representing Indigenous peoples. Supporters dressed in their finest, most colorful Indigenous attire to celebrate his homecoming. Luis Arce neither met him in Chapare nor sent him a word of greeting. So far they hold no communication. For the sake of Bolivia’s democracy, many hope it will stay that way. 


Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Syria’s Allies Exploit the Nation’s Strife

With friends like these, who needs enemies?

A long road to recovery. Chaoyue Pan. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Bashar Assad didn’t survive his country’s civil war alone. Only with the help of Russia was he able to resist rebel forces and reestablish his grip on Syria. Now, his grip on power seems unshakable, and the question has moved from who will win to how Syria will rebuild. This challenge, however, Assad might have to do alone.

It will be a mighty task. Every aspect of Syria’s economy suffered in the almost decade long civil war. Oil, the country’s primary export, is being produced at one-sixth its prewar level, and last year’s wheat crop was half the prewar average. 60% of businesses have closed either permanently or temporarily. What savings citizens had are losing value fast, for the Syrian currency lost 70% of its value against the dollar. The forthcoming peace is preferable to war but far from easy. 

COVID-19 only adds to the country’s plight. The Assad regime has attempted to hide the extent of the devastation by blaming COVID-19 deaths on “pneumonia,” but the damage is clearly intense. Desperate for food and cash, many Syrians shirked lockdown measures. Other measures enforced in other countries are impossible to follow in a war zone. What little medical infrastructure existed has been swiftly overwhelmed. 

The ruins of Aleppo. Ihh Insani Yardim. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Syria’s allies and neighbors seem content to watch its slow death and profit where they can. Recently, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov visited not to help with reconstruction efforts but to scope out energy and construction contracts. Russia knows it can depend on Syria’s loyalty because the Assad regime has nowhere else to turn. Turkish involvement in Syria, meanwhile, focused on supporting anti-Assad rebels along with limiting the influence of regional Kurds, an ethnic group with aspirations of a nation-state.

What’s left of Azaz. Christiaan Triebert. CC BY-NC 2.0.

The United States and Europe provide only humanitarian aid. The U.S. heaped sanctions on Assad’s government in an effort to force at least a semi-democratic settlement, but Assad drifts still further into authoritarianism. At one point, President Donald Trump entertained assassinating the Syrian leader after his use of chemical weapons in 2018. “I would have rather taken him out. I had him all set. Mattis didn’t want to do it,” Trump said, referring to former Secretary of Defense James Mattis. To switch from a desire for assassination to a respectful negotiation would be a stark, and unlikely, change. 

Rather than give aid, Russia seems content to exploit Syria’s weaknesses. As always, the decisions of Syria’s leaders and allies will mainly affect Syrian citizens. The Assad regime’s finances have been bled so dry that it is rumored that customs officers and generals impound trucks and confiscate goods just to charge hefty bribes for their return. 

The plight of Syrian mercenaries illustrates just how dire life the situation has become. Years of fighting created a generation of young men whose only marketable skill is waging war. With no fighting left to be done at home and hungry families to feed, these men have enlisted as mercenary soldiers for Turkey and Russia. Once on the fringe of Syrian life, brick and mortar offices now house recruiters who advertise on WhatsApp, often lying about the safety of certain deployments. Families have more or less accepted fighting as a necessary means to make a living. In the current economy, there are no other options. 

Nowhere left to run. a.anis. CC BY-ND 2.0.

What these fighters make can hardly be called a living. A soldier earns the equivalent of $1 a day, most of which has to be sent home to their family. Syrian mercenaries were deployed in 2019 to fight the conflict in Libya, and just recently, they were deployed to fight for Azerbaijan against Armenia in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh territory. Russia and Turkey have made pawns out of Syria’s most desperate citizens to support their foreign policy expansions. As one Syrian businessman loyal to Assad observed, “Our saviors have become vultures.”

Syria’s isolation will only intensify in the near future. The Netherlands recently announced that it is preparing a case for the International Criminal Court at The Hague for “gross human rights violations and torture in particular.” Russia repeatedly blocked efforts from the U.N. Security Council to refer such a case, but the Netherlands has bypassed the U.N. altogether. It is yet another thrust from the international community to move Assad in a more democratic direction., For the time being, however, Assad refuses to budge and the plight of Syrians is likely to continue. 


Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Unpacking the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and the Armenian Diaspora

The renewed conflict in the South Caucasus region has its roots in long-standing historical divisions between Turkey and Armenia. 

A view of Mount Ararat. West. CC2.0

Tensions between Azerbaijan and Armenia have been renewed due to the ongoing territorial dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh. Fighting started up again on Sept. 27 and has caused massive upheaval and casualties on both sides. Backed by Turkey, the Azerbaijani military bombed Nagorno-Karabakh’s regional capital of Stepanakert with intense artillery fire, while Armenia launched missiles at Ganja (Azerbaijan’s second-largest city), putting citizens in grave danger. Officials speculate that the last two weeks of fighting have proven to be the worst since a cease-fire was brokered by Russia in 1994. Although another cease-fire is a possibility, there is no prediction of what will come next. “Don’t discount the possibility of this turning into something much larger,” said Kevork Oskanian from the University of Birmingham in England. “Once a conflict like this kicks off, it has a dynamic of its own and you don’t know where it will go.”

A Brief History of the Nagorno-Karabakh Dispute

A map of the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Achemish. Wikimedia Commons. CC4.0

The recent fighting is a result of a renewed 32-year-long military conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, also known as Artsakh to Armenians, contains a population of about 150,000. Although completely surrounded by Muslim-majority Azerbaijan, it is governed and claimed by Christian Armenians. Josef Stalin gave the territory to Azerbaijan in 1921 and made it an autonomous region two years later. Initially, the territorial dispute was not violent, as both Armenia and Azerbaijan were under the stronghold of the Soviet Union. However, nationalistic and militaristic tensions increased between the two nations when the USSR began to dissolve. The fighting began in 1991, which resulted in 30,000 casualties and over one million displaced. Although a cease-fire was agreed to in 1994, no official peace deal has been reached. Armenia is happier with the status quo than Azerbaijan, as it was able to reclaim 20% of surrounding land during the fighting in the ‘90s (shown in yellow on the map above). However, Azerbaijan still has a large population of people displaced by the fighting who want to return to their homes. 

Why Turkey is Supporting Azerbaijan

Azerbaijani and Turkish flags in Izmir, Turkey. Anzola. CC 2.0

Azerbaijan is often referred to as a little brother to Turkey, due to the two nations’ connections through cultural, linguistic and religious ties.The two have a relationship built on trade and mutual exchange. Azerbaijan provides a large portion of Turkey’s gas and oil, where the money in return is used to buy weapons from Turkey. Azerbaijan is currently using military weapons provided by Turkey to strike Nagorno-Karabakh, allowing Turkey to increase its political presence in the region. Underpinning Turkey’s involvement in the conflict are the events of 1915, where 1.5 million Armenians were killed under the direction of the Ottoman Empire (present-day Turkey), which many consider a genocide but Turkey denies. Many Armenians see Azerbaijan’s alliance with Turkey as a resurfacing of these events, providing an ultimate threat to their existence and statehood. 

The Conflict Reaches the Armenian Diaspora

An Armenian church in Los Angeles. Steeds. CC2.0

Although Armenia has a population of 3 million, the diaspora population is estimated to be much larger, with notable communities in Australia, Russia, Lebanon, France and Southern California. Although the events of 1915 resulted in mass migrations of Armenians around the world, the diaspora goes as far back as the Middle Ages. Throughout history, many Armenians migrated to new corners of the world due to political upheaval. Armenian merchants often traveled to trade and sell wares, playing a key role in the economies of China, India and Persia. Armenia’s long history of migration and displacement has resulted in a strengthened cultural identity in diaspora communities. Many notable Armenian celebrities, including Kim Kardashian and Serj Tankian, are strong proponents of the Armenian cause, posting on social media to raise awareness of the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute. Armenian lobby groups have held protests in Southern California, as well as asking Armenian-Americans to bring awareness of the conflict to representatives and congresspeople. Some Armenians even contemplate returning to their country to fight Azerbaijan. According to Alex Galitsky, part of the Armenian National Committee of America’s western region, “I think a lot of people see themselves as bearing some responsibility for the defense of our nation.” 

The conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh continues to escalate as nationalistic and militaristic tendencies fuel both sides. True peace will only be reached if Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan are willing to begin the difficult work of listening and embracing each other’s conflicting histories and narratives.


Megan Gürer

Megan is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.